Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following has\r\nthe danger of becoming a token?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
According to the passage which of the following is not true?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following is one of the far-reaching impacts of\r\nthe policy?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
According to the passage, which of the following is a\r\nconsequence of rural-urban migration?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following is true about the policy?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following can be inferred from the passage?
Recent advances in science and technology have made it\r\npossible for geneticists to find out abnormalities in the unborn foetus and\r\ntake remedial action to rectify some defects which would otherwise prove to be\r\nfatal to the child. Though genetic engineering is still at its infancy,\r\nscientists can now predict with greater accuracy a genetic disorder. It is not\r\nyet an exact science since they are not in a position to predict when exactly a\r\ngenetic disorder will set in. While they have not yet been able to change the\r\ngenetic order of the gene in germs, they are optimistic and are holding out\r\nthat in the near future they might be successful in achieving this feat. They\r\nhave, however, acquired the ability in manipulating tissue cells. However,\r\ngenetic mis-information can sometimes be damaging for it may adversely affect\r\npeople psychologically. Genetic information may lead to a tendency to brand\r\nsome people as inferiors. Genetic information can therefore be abused and its\r\napplication in deciding the sex of the foetus and its subsequent abortion is\r\nnow hotly debated on ethical lines. But on this issue geneticists cannot be\r\nsquarely blamed though this charge has often been leveled at them. It is mainly\r\na societal problem. At present genetic engineering is a costly process of\r\ndetecting disorders but scientists hope to reduce the costs when technology\r\nbecomes more advanced. This is why much progress in this area has been possible\r\nin scientifically advanced and rich countries like the U.S.A., U.K. and Japan.\r\nIt remains to be seen if in the future this science will lead to the\r\ndevelopment of a race of supermen or will be able to obliterate disease from\r\nthis world.
What is the tone of the\r\nauthor in the last sentence of the passage?
Recent advances in science and technology have made it\r\npossible for geneticists to find out abnormalities in the unborn foetus and\r\ntake remedial action to rectify some defects which would otherwise prove to be\r\nfatal to the child. Though genetic engineering is still at its infancy,\r\nscientists can now predict with greater accuracy a genetic disorder. It is not\r\nyet an exact science since they are not in a position to predict when exactly a\r\ngenetic disorder will set in. While they have not yet been able to change the\r\ngenetic order of the gene in germs, they are optimistic and are holding out\r\nthat in the near future they might be successful in achieving this feat. They\r\nhave, however, acquired the ability in manipulating tissue cells. However,\r\ngenetic mis-information can sometimes be damaging for it may adversely affect\r\npeople psychologically. Genetic information may lead to a tendency to brand\r\nsome people as inferiors. Genetic information can therefore be abused and its\r\napplication in deciding the sex of the foetus and its subsequent abortion is\r\nnow hotly debated on ethical lines. But on this issue geneticists cannot be\r\nsquarely blamed though this charge has often been leveled at them. It is mainly\r\na societal problem. At present genetic engineering is a costly process of\r\ndetecting disorders but scientists hope to reduce the costs when technology\r\nbecomes more advanced. This is why much progress in this area has been possible\r\nin scientifically advanced and rich countries like the U.S.A., U.K. and Japan.\r\nIt remains to be seen if in the future this science will lead to the\r\ndevelopment of a race of supermen or will be able to obliterate disease from\r\nthis world.
According to the author,\r\nthe present state of knowledge about heredity has mad geneticists
Recent advances in science and technology have made it\r\npossible for geneticists to find out abnormalities in the unborn foetus and\r\ntake remedial action to rectify some defects which would otherwise prove to be\r\nfatal to the child. Though genetic engineering is still at its infancy,\r\nscientists can now predict with greater accuracy a genetic disorder. It is not\r\nyet an exact science since they are not in a position to predict when exactly a\r\ngenetic disorder will set in. While they have not yet been able to change the\r\ngenetic order of the gene in germs, they are optimistic and are holding out\r\nthat in the near future they might be successful in achieving this feat. They\r\nhave, however, acquired the ability in manipulating tissue cells. However,\r\ngenetic mis-information can sometimes be damaging for it may adversely affect\r\npeople psychologically. Genetic information may lead to a tendency to brand\r\nsome people as inferiors. Genetic information can therefore be abused and its\r\napplication in deciding the sex of the foetus and its subsequent abortion is\r\nnow hotly debated on ethical lines. But on this issue geneticists cannot be\r\nsquarely blamed though this charge has often been leveled at them. It is mainly\r\na societal problem. At present genetic engineering is a costly process of\r\ndetecting disorders but scientists hope to reduce the costs when technology\r\nbecomes more advanced. This is why much progress in this area has been possible\r\nin scientifically advanced and rich countries like the U.S.A., U.K. and Japan.\r\nIt remains to be seen if in the future this science will lead to the\r\ndevelopment of a race of supermen or will be able to obliterate disease from\r\nthis world.
Which of the following is not true, according to the\r\npassage?
Recent advances in science and technology have made it\r\npossible for geneticists to find out abnormalities in the unborn foetus and\r\ntake remedial action to rectify some defects which would otherwise prove to be\r\nfatal to the child. Though genetic engineering is still at its infancy,\r\nscientists can now predict with greater accuracy a genetic disorder. It is not\r\nyet an exact science since they are not in a position to predict when exactly a\r\ngenetic disorder will set in. While they have not yet been able to change the\r\ngenetic order of the gene in germs, they are optimistic and are holding out\r\nthat in the near future they might be successful in achieving this feat. They\r\nhave, however, acquired the ability in manipulating tissue cells. However,\r\ngenetic mis-information can sometimes be damaging for it may adversely affect\r\npeople psychologically. Genetic information may lead to a tendency to brand\r\nsome people as inferiors. Genetic information can therefore be abused and its\r\napplication in deciding the sex of the foetus and its subsequent abortion is\r\nnow hotly debated on ethical lines. But on this issue geneticists cannot be\r\nsquarely blamed though this charge has often been leveled at them. It is mainly\r\na societal problem. At present genetic engineering is a costly process of\r\ndetecting disorders but scientists hope to reduce the costs when technology\r\nbecomes more advanced. This is why much progress in this area has been possible\r\nin scientifically advanced and rich countries like the U.S.A., U.K. and Japan.\r\nIt remains to be seen if in the future this science will lead to the\r\ndevelopment of a race of supermen or will be able to obliterate disease from\r\nthis world.
Which of the following is the same in meaning as the word ‘squarely’\r\nas used in the passage?