A great deal of discussion countries as to the real extent\r\nof global environmental degradation and its implicational. What few people\r\nchallenge however is that the renewable natural resources of developing\r\ncountries are today subject to stresses of unprecedented magnitude. These\r\npressures are bought about, in part, by increased population and the quest for\r\nan ever expanding food supply. Because the healthy, nutrition and general\r\nwell-being of the poor majority are directly depends on the integrity and\r\nproductivity of their natural resources, the capability of governments to manage\r\nthem effectively over the long term becomes of paramount importance.
Developing countries are becoming more aware of the ways in\r\nwhich present and future economic development must build upon a sound and\r\nsustainable natural resources base. Some are looking at our long tradition in\r\nenvironmental protection and are receptive to US assistance which recognizes\r\nthe uniqueness of the social and ecological systems in these tropical\r\ncountries. Developing countries recognize the need to improve their capability\r\nto analyze issues and their own natural resource management. In February 1981,\r\nfor example AID funded a national Academy of Sciences panel to advise Nepal on\r\ntheir severe natural resource degradation problems. Some countries such as\r\nSenegal, India, Indonesia and Thailand, are now including conservation concerns\r\nin their economic development planning process.
Because so many governments of developing nations have\r\nrecognized the importance of these issues, the need today is not merely one of\r\nraising additional consciousness, but for carefully designed and sharply\r\nfocused activities aimed at management regimes that are essential to the\r\nachievement of sustained development.
Some of the developing countries of Asia and Africa have
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
According to the passage,\r\nwhich of the following is the basic block in the effective implementation of\r\nthe policy?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
At which stage were the\r\ngrass-root level organizations involved for the policy?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following is\r\nnearly the same in meaning to the word ‘delineates’ as used in the passage?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following is\r\nmost nearly the same in meaning to ‘callousness’ as used in the passage?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
According to the passage,\r\nwhich of the following aspects has been identified as, it alone would not bring\r\nchange in the status of women?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following\r\nwords is most nearly the same in meaning as the word ‘enunciation’ as used in\r\nthe passage?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following is\r\nnearly the same in meaning as the word 'devolution' as used in the passage?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following\r\nwords is the most opposite in meaning to 'sweeping' as used in the passage?
Although cynics may like to see he government’s policy for\r\nwomen in terms of the party’s internal power struggles, it will nevertheless be\r\nchurlish to deny that it represents a pioneering effect aimed at bringing about\r\nsweeping social reforms. In its language, scope and strategies, the policy documents\r\ndisplays a degree of understanding of women’s needs that is uncommon in\r\ngovernment pronouncements. This is due in large part to the participatory\r\nprocess that marked its formulation, seeking the active involvement right from\r\nthe start of women’s groups, academic institutions and non-government\r\norganizations with grass roots experience. The result is not just a lofty\r\ndeclaration of principles but a blueprint for a practical program of action.\r\nThe policy delineates a series of concrete measures to accord women a\r\ndecision-making role in the political domain and greater control over their\r\neconomic status. Of especially far-reaching impart are the devolution of\r\ncontrol of economic infrastructure to women, notably at the gram panchayat\r\nlevel, and the amendment proposed in the Act of 1956 to give women comparcenary\r\nrights.
And enlightened aspect of the policy is its recognition that\r\nactual change in the status of women cannot be brought about by the mere enactment\r\nof socially progressive legislation. Accordingly, it focuses on reorienting\r\ndevelopment programs and sensitizing administrations to address specific\r\nsituations as, for instance, the growing number of households headed by women,\r\nwhich is a consequence of rural-urban migration. The proposal to create an\r\nequal-opportunity police force and give women greater control of police\r\nstations is an acknowledgement of the biases and callousness displayed by the\r\ngenerally all-male law-enforcement authorities in case of dowery and domestic\r\nviolence. While the mere enunciation of such a policy has the salutary effect\r\nof sensitizing the administration as a whole, it does not make the task of its\r\nimplementation any easier. This is because the changes it envisages in the\r\npolitical and economic status of woman strike at the root of power structures\r\nin society and the basis of man-woman relationship. There is also the danger\r\nthat reservation for women in public life, while necessary for their greater\r\nvisibility, could lapse into tokenism or become a tool in the hands of vote\r\nseeking politicians. Much will depend on the dissemination of the policy and\r\nthe ability of elected representatives and government agencies to reorder their\r\npriorities.
Which of the following is\r\nopposite in meaning to ‘lofty’ as used in the passage?